PUBLICATION: GLOBE AND MAIL
DATE:
TUE FEB.10,2004
PAGE:
A20
CLASS:
Editorial
EDITION:
Metro DATELINE:
WORDS:
698
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The
gun registry is a test of Martin's democracy
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From
the beginning, skeptics (some would call them realists) wondered whether Prime
Minister Paul Martin's ambitious plans to democratize Parliament would bear up
under the vicious cut and thrust of day-to-day politics. Would Mr. Martin's
reforms -- greater power and independence for parliamentary committees, more
free votes in the House of Commons -- endure even if they occasionally made life
miserable for the government? Or would they collapse the first time it appeared
that a high-profile policy or law would be overturned with the help of liberated
Liberal backbenchers?
Last
week, as he addressed the Commons the day after the Throne Speech, Mr. Martin
boldly claimed the first case. "I have no doubt that some votes may not go
our way," he said. "But it is my firm belief that from debate comes
strength and from dispute comes clarity." Well said.
Now skip forward to today and consider the growing dispute within
government ranks over a looming vote on spending for the National Firearms
Program, popularly known as the gun registry. In a CBC Radio interview Sunday
and again in an interview with this newspaper yesterday, Government House Leader
Jacques Saada made it exquisitely clear that any "line-item" vote that
threatens the existence of the registry itself will be considered a "whip
vote" -- a matter of confidence in the government. In other words,
Parliament will not be allowed to block most or all of the estimated
$110-million the registry is expected to cost this year. Only if the purpose of
the vote were to "improve" the gun registry (which might include some
spending reductions but not a crippling one) would a freer vote be allowed.
However,
Roger Gallaway, the Martin-appointed parliamentary secretary for democratic
reform, says that's simply not on. He insisted yesterday that the standards
guiding which votes are "whipped" and which are free are very clear.
"The question is [whether a line-item vote on the gun registry is] a
confidence matter. And clearly, I say to you it is not."
Mr.
Gallaway noted that, in December of 2002, the Commons voted to reduce spending
on the National Firearms Program by $72-million. "And it went unopposed by
the government," he said. "If you follow the logic, we ought to have
had an election in 2002."
Asked
whether a threat to the survival of the registry itself might tip the balance in
favour of a full confidence vote, Mr. Gallaway was categorical. "We're not
talking about a budget, or an appropriation, or a Throne Speech. We're talking
about what is a justifiable expense within a department or program. Whether that
is reduced by $1 or the whole amount . . . this is simply a rebuke of a program,
not a rebuke of a government."
Yesterday,
House Leader Saada compared the gun registry with the policy of official
bilingualism. "Let's say you have a line item which kills all programs
having to do with implementation of official bilingualism in Canada. This would
of course jeopardize a fundamental policy cornerstone of the government, and
this would not be a free vote."
But
Mr. Gallaway, who supported the gun registry when it was launched in 1995 but
grew critical as costs ballooned, argued that the registry can in no way be
considered a fundamental government policy. "The NFP was not a plank in the
1993 election," he said. "This was [just] a bill." He added that
he believes a line-item vote on the registry, expected within six to eight
weeks, will be a test case for Mr. Martin's democratic-reform plan. "It's a
very fundamental issue."
Two
conclusions may be drawn from this debate. First, it's not surprising that the
government whip and the secretary for democratic reform are so soon at
loggerheads. They serve two fundamentally different purposes within the
government. Second, if we are to take the Prime Minister's words at face value,
Mr. Gallaway clearly makes the stronger case. Let the gun registry's defenders
make the best possible argument for its survival. Then let Parliament have its
way. That would be a signal -- stronger than any speech -- that democratic
reform is real.